Three days back, the veteran Indian born British actor Saeed Jeffrey passed away. I was reminded of this scene in Satyajit Ray’s 1976 movie Shatranj Ke Khiladi (The Chess Players) based on a story by Munshi Premchand. The scene is the last scene of the movie in which two rich noblemen of Awadh kingdom, Mirza Sajjad Ali (Sanjeev Kumar) and Mir Roshan Ali (Saeed Jeffrey) continue playing chess, a game they are obsessed with, even when a small boy alarmingly brings the news to them that just next to where they are engaged in their game of chess, British forces are marching to take over Awadh, without opposition.
The story by Munshi Premchand and its outstanding portrayal by Satyajit Ray is a true reflection of the attitude of our countrymen in general and noblemen (the elite) in particular about matters concerning national security. They are the modern-day Noahs; the same Noah, who during the deluge, in a lighthearted ditty, was brought out with seemingly unconcerned repose:
“And Noah, he often said to his wife,
Whenever he sat down to dine,
“I don’t care where the water goes,
If it doesn’t get into the wine.”
And what about the government? A report in a national daily brought out that “the government is losing patience with the veterans”. How preposterous can that be? After 42 years of the government having snatched OROP from the veterans, after numerous promises by subsequent governments, after repeated recommendations of several committees including the 2011 Koshiyari Committee, after being passed by two parliaments and upheld by the Supreme Court of India, after five months of continuous agitation by the veterans, the government notifies a much truncated OROP, and – hold your breath – it is the government that is losing patience. The only analogy that comes to mind is that of a rapist complaining to a rape-victim about her crying.
The fact is that the government has already assessed that even after five months of agitation, neither the noblemen nor the countrymen appear to be bothered. Presently, the veterans are fighting a lone battle.
And in the meantime another Colonel (Colonel Mahadik) is killed in the valley bravely fighting the terrorists. But then, as one of the politicians said, “They are paid to die”. Who is really bothered? Also, in the meantime, in PM’s own state, last week, Army had to control even small scale riots that police and para-military forces couldn’t control. Armed forces are the preferred forces for disaster relief and even for law and order situations that someone else is paid to do. But, they do their job and are forgotten and no one is bothered.
We are all Shatranj Ke Khiladi; we don’t care as long as the water doesn’t get into our wine.
Another ludicrous statement attributed to the Raksha Mantri Shri Manohar Parrikar in a national daily was: Let the veterans prove that their agitation is not political. The pot calling the kettle black? As recently as 05 Sep 15, it is you and your government, Mr. Parrikar, who played politics with OROP by announcing it just before the Bihar elections; when there was no need for any such announcement since it was already passed by the parliament. The UPA government played politics with OROP all those four decades and just before the parliamentary elections. And, you, have the temerity to ask veterans to prove that their agitation is not political. Once again, you have assessed that our people are not concerned about the specifics of any issue. Hence, knowing anything about OROP would be beyond the grasp of average Indians. Why only politicians and bureaucrats? Even the Indian justice system works on the principle of delaying justice so long that it becomes fait-accompli.
The present government started off with the promise that it would be a government with a difference in its approach towards all issues concerning the nation and its citizens. So then, what appears to have gone wrong with the promise to implement the full OROP within 100 days of coming to power? Is it so helpless and, more importantly, blinded by the designs of the bureaucracy that it cannot trust its faujis against the same bureaucracy; especially when the Indian faujis have amply proved to be amongst the best in the world and the Indian babus have proved to be amongst the worst?
Or, is it that since the previous governments paid only lip-service to the OROP issue, this government, in a bid to take credit for finally having sanctioned the OROP, is losing patience with the veterans for denying it its carefully crafted moment of glory? If that is the case then hasn’t the government got itself to blame? Shouldn’t it have studied the issue independently rather than through the coloured glasses of the bureaucracy?
It is quite likely that the government must have by now realised that something that should have brought it enormous goodwill and credit seems to have backfired by its playing into the hands of the bureaucracy. In that case, rather than reinforcing an erroneous stand should it not do the honourable thing of exposing these wily babus and let the nation know that it made a mistake? I am sure the government would immediately win back the trust of the faujis. There is no glory in the government being at war with its own armed forces; and, even if the government wins, India and Indians lose though it may not be apparent to them straightway.
Life in the armed forces, as anyone would tell you, is tough. Armed forces are not a vocation but a way of life; and hence, one is on duty 24/7 throughout the year. You hardly have any family life. With the perpetual shortage of officers in the armed forces, you actually end up doing the work of your absent friends, in addition to your own. Hence, when you retire after nearly 37 years, as I did, all that you are looking for is some well deserved peace and quiet. You know that with your armed forces’ savings you cannot have too much of a comfort and would get just about 900 feet of accommodation poorly constructed house in an Air Force Naval Housing Board colony; poorly constructed being more a norm than an exception in AFNHB (Air Force Naval Housing Board) houses.
After retirement, I shifted to this flat I had bought through AFNHB in installments. I soon found out that because of poor construction, most flats leaked and most flats had renovation going on even after eleven years of construction, causing perpetual noise of tile cutting and other machines especially on the weekends. Each one of us had to shell out more than one tenth of the original cost of the flats (available at the same rate as any accommodation in civil areas; thereby doing away with any advantage whatsoever for having found a flat through the armed forces) to leak proof the houses collectively. In addition, each one has spent more than twice the sum in leak-proofing bathrooms and other rooms. And this is for a housing colony in Indian Navy’s station whereat it has its premiere command.
To add to these woes is the fact that some denizens of our society love noise. Indeed, they have promoted, together with many people in modern India, noise as a form of devotion. They get very vociferous and violent if told to curb noise. Their reasoning is that the government, whilst respecting the sentiments of people (Please read: ‘Who Are The “People” Whose “Sentiments Need To Be Respected”?’) have permitted noise up to certain hours and hence they intend to make full use of those hours. Pleas to them that government orders only condone the noise but do not make it compulsory for people to have noise falls on – you guessed it – deaf ears (Please read: State Sponsored Noise). Reminders about the fact that throughout our fauji lives we never made religious noise in the open have no effect on them. When people all around you are making religious noise, you feel left out.
So, now, if there is one thing that the denizens of our colony guard fiercely, it is their right to make noise so that they won’t be seen as less religious in comparison to our neighbouring colonies who make unfettered noise during festivals. Indeed, it appears that if there is one thing that they ruefully missed whilst being in active service in the armed forces, it is noise. So, now that they have come out of the imposed discipline, they want to do with vengeance what they missed all these years.
Recently, when it was proposed that since ours is a colony that already has an indoor community hall for such purposes and that they don’t have to make noise in the open, they took their petition straight to God. It went like this:
God: You don’t have to rely on loudspeaker to make me hear your prayers. I can hear all my devotees even when they silently pray to me.
Noisy Devotee: We know it, God. But, we want people to hear our prayers DTH.
God: What is DTH, for heavens’ sake?
ND (looking shocked and surprised): You don’t have cable TV in heaven? DTH is Direct To Home. When we pray in the open with loudspeaker, people really don’t have to come to pooja pandal since they can hear it DTH. Also, God, what’s the point in praying to you unless maximum people come to know that we are praying to you. This cannot happen in indoor community hall. There only the devotees who are present can hear the prayers.
God: You appear to be confused; are you praying to me or to them?
ND: Don’t abandon us, God; already there are people who behave like as if they are God. Today they would ban noise; tomorrow they may have objection to our breathing too. Ham dharam ka satyanaash nahin hone denge.
God: I am not convinced. I think you are imposing your own style of worship on others who have a choice to worship me in their own quiet way.
ND: We beg you, God; don’t do that. There is hardly any religion left in this world. People hate you. We are the only ones who still have devotion for you; the noisier we are, the more godly we become and the closer we get to you.
God: Sorry. I made each one of my people in my likeness. I cannot make any special concessions for you because of your propensity to make loudspeaker noise.
ND (On his knees now): Please God, don’t take away from us our right to make noise. If you wish, take away anything else that you have given us or intend giving us. But, we are emotionally attached to having us heard on the loudspeakers.
God: You have too many issues; OROP for example…
ND (Eagerly): We can do without it, God. In any case, the politicians and bureaucrats took it away from us 42 years back. Noise is all that is left with us; something that we can call our own. What’s the point in living in a free country if you cannot make noise 15 days in a year?
God: You have water shortage in your colony; what about that?
ND: We are used to being without water. On our ships, water used to be available only once or twice a day for short durations. But, we cannot do without our right to make noise.
Listening to this conversation, I wonder what used to happen to devotion of people when loudspeakers were not invented. I also repeatedly ask myself in the nearly three months of noise immediately after the rains ‘A Quiter Mumbai – Is It A Pipe Dream?’ It is not just 15 days of relentless noise, as ND told God; it is actually a full season of noise.
Deepawali, for example, used to be a festival of lights (Deep + Awali = Row of Lights) to commemorate our Lord Ram returning to Ayodhaya after 14 years of exile. In our colony, for the last six years that I have been here, it is no Deepawali but ‘Patakhawali and Bombawali That Has Nothing In Common With Depawali’. With incessant explosive detonations during the Diwali week or ten days (it is not a day’s festival in our colony), we often feel that we are ‘In The War Zone’.
So, now that, about one fourth of the year is taken up by noise, the question is why don’t we raise our voice against this flagrant noise? You cannot raise voice against noise because that adds to the noise. We can only educate people about the ill effects of noise. Fortunately, in our colony, there are also many right minded people who are convinced that we need to carry these people too with us. Already, it has become a worrisome problem and people are engaged in finding solutions.
A number of solutions have been suggested:
When you admonish children not to watch too much of television, the incorrect method is to just rhetorically keep telling them not to do so; the more you tell them, the more they want to watch. The best method is to create an alternative to television that adds to their learning as well as is equally entertaining. Similarly, some of the members have suggested that we engage the community in something constructive in the name of religion rather than in destructive crackers and noise.
We have so much of poverty in our country and we have underprivileged children. We, as a colony, can sponsor anti-poverty programmes and programmes for the education of the underprivileged. We can collect funds to do so rather than wasting these on crackers and loudspeakers.
We can educate the people that chanting hymns and mantras over loudspeakers is not the only method of devotion and worship. We can have indoor discourses about our religion, history and heritage and even plays and drama. After all, we are all religious in our own ways and not pagans.
I am sure making noise in the name of religion or otherwise is a problem not only in our colony but also in thousands of colonies. Already, the High Courts are ruling that people can get together to have pooja pandals at a central place rather (to be shared by many colonies) than at hundreds and thousands of these places making cacophony that doesn’t help anyone. Noise by itself is bad. However, competitive noise that we have got used to now is really harming the society. Perhaps we should listen to the courts and not the politicians who have vested interests in promoting parochialism and religious noise.
When people get used to a way of doing things (Read: Whose God Is It Anyway?), it is generally very difficult to wean them away from their habits. As Abba Eban said: “History teaches us that men and nations behave wisely once they have exhausted all other alternatives”. For every argument that we present to them now, the noise-makers have a counter argument. They would probably listen after they have exhausted all such arguments.
I am, on the other hand, a great believer in the intrinsic goodness of people. I sincerely believe that we have all been made by God in His own likeness and that goodness finally prevails. I can only do my bit to nudge them in the right direction.
If you have any suggestions or even differences of opinion, please do write in the comments below.
Most defence colonies in India, this Diwali, present a desolate look as a mark of protest against the machinations of netas and babus who denied the veterans full OROP despite its approval by two parliaments. The idea of the babus, as we understand, is to discredit and dishonour the faujis in the eyes of the general public. What do they think of themselves? In a country, wherein we are often told that we have the worst bureaucracy in the world, how can these faujis continue being proud of being amongst the best armed forces in the world? It is incumbent on us babus to bring them down to our level. Now how do we do it? Simple, the moment they are long enough on the streets protesting, the public loses respect for them since they are now deemed to be of the same mould as us. If they are assaulted in the Jantar Mantar, their medals snatched, their shirts torn, it shows them in poor light to have been there in Jantar Mantar with ordinary protesters in the country.
This Diwali, the babus are enjoying the fruits of their labour and rejoicing. They feel that the general public is losing respect for the faujis in the same manner as sooner or later people lose respect for rape victims working on the analogy (since then made famous by a Goa MLA) that they deserved to be raped!
Dear Babus, this Diwali, our homes are dark. We are saddened by your continued intransigence towards OROP and veterans. This song comes to you from us on the day of Deepawali, in remembrance of our Lord Ram having returned after fourteen years of exile. I have tinkered with the original song put together by Anand Bakshi as lyricist, Rahul Dev Burman as composer and Kishore Kumar as singer to send this earnest request across to you:
देखो ऐ बाबू, तुम ये काम ना करो
फौजी का नाम बदनाम ना करो, बदनाम ना करो
फौजी ने हँस कर सब सुख त्यागे, तुम सब दुख से डर कर भागे
जवान ने कर्म की रीत सिखाई – २
तुमने फ़र्ज़ से आँख चुराई, ओ राम दुहाई
जय जवान जय किसान (chorus)
उसकी OROP को अपनी NFU का गुलाम न करो
फौजी का नाम बदनाम ना करो, बदनाम ना करो
देखो ऐ बाबू …
OROP को समझो, फौजी को जानो, नींद से जागो ओ मस्तानो
एक दिन झेलना सीने पे गोली
खून की खेलना इक दिन होली
जय जवान जय किसान (chorus)
OROP की मौत का इंतजाम न करो
फौजी का नाम बदनाम ना करो, बदनाम ना करो
देखो ऐ बाबू, तुम ये काम ना करो
फौजी का नाम बदनाम ना करो, बदनाम ना करो
Dekho ai baabu, tum ye kaam nA karo
Fauji ka naam badnaam na karo, badnaam nA karo
Fauji ne ha.Ns kar sab sukh tyAge, tum sab dukh se Dar kar bhaage
Jawan ne karm kI riit sikhAI
Tumane farz se aa.Nkh churaa_ii, o raam duhaa_ii
Jai Jawan, Jai Kisaan (chorus)
Usaki OROP ko apni NFU ka gulaam na karo
Fauji kA naam badanAm nA karo, badanAm nA karo
Dekho ai baabu …
OROP ko samajho, fauji ko jaano, nI.nd se jaago o mastaano
Ek din jhelna seene pe goli
Khoon ki khelna ik din Holi
Jai Jawan, Jai Kisaan (chorus)
OROP ki maut ka intejaam na karo
Fauji kA naam badanAm nA karo, badanAm nA karo
Dekho ai baabu, tum ye kaam nA karo
Fauji kA naam badanAm nA karo, badanAm nA karo
Armed forces personnel, even after retirement, by and large, continue being apolitical. That’s how it should be in a democracy. However, armed forces personnel should be politically savvy. They do vote, don’t they? What politicians do affects them, in many cases, even more than the civilians. For example, they say, war is politics by other means; soldiers, sailors and airmen die in war and all because of international and national politics. Similarly, their life-style, liberties, position in society, salaries and pensions are dependent upon political considerations. Hence, to expect that armed forces personnel shouldn’t or won’t be interested in outcomes of elections, national and international politics would be naive and wrong.
Why were the Bihar elections and their outcome important to faujis? It would be appropriate to remember that Shri Narendra Modi’s government itself linked OROP to Bihar election considerations by making an announcement on OROP on 5th Sep 15, just before the Bihar elections. It was widely discussed that the very announcement of OROP without a matching notification was to pull all plugs out to favour the ruling party at the centre since Bihar accounts for one of the largest induction of faujis in the Indian armed forces. That, apart from this electoral consideration, the government was not serious about actually honouring the approval of OROP by two parliaments, can be made out from the following:
It pooh-poohed the UPA government for announcing OROP at the fag-end of its tenure with a token budget of only Rupees 500 Crores. It tried to bring out that the UPA government was playing politics with OROP for electoral gains. However, whilst it tried to bring out that the UPA government was never serious about OROP, by itself it questioned the very definition of OROP once it came into power; the same definition that was approved by two parliaments earlier.
During the electoral campaign for the Lok Sabha, it promised that it would implement (already approved OROP) within 100 days of coming to power. However, when it finally announced OROP after 16 months of coming to power, it became apparent why the government required so much of time. It twisted and turned the approved concept of OROP so that its announcement of 05 Sep 15 would have very little to do with the approved OROP and would be only an apology for the same (because of its seven serious flaws).
The country never questioned as to what was the need of the announcement on 05 Sep 15 when the OROP had already been passed by the parliament. All that the government was required to do was to notify the OROP. However, as is clear now, the government played into the hands of the wily bureaucracy who revel in keeping the faujis always dissatisfied. This same wily bureaucracy, belatedly, and without any discussions with the faujis, introduced clauses into the OROP announcement that made a mockery of it (eg, VRS, review after five years, to be reviewed by 7th CPC, to have calendar year 2013 as the base year and not financial year 2013-14, effective date being 01 Jul 14 rather than 01 April promised earlier, and midway band of pay to be considered for pension rather than earlier promised highest of pay band). Naturally, it made the faujis very distrustful of the government, politicians and bureaucrats (Please read: As A ‘Fauji’ I Don’t Trust You Anymore) and they concluded, with enough justification, that the government required extra time (four times the time promised) so as to tinker with the approved OROP and reduce it to nothingness.
It built up to the excuse that it couldn’t notify even the truncated OROP because of electoral code of conduct for Bihar elections when actually, since it had been earlier approved by the parliament, it had nothing to do with Bihar elections. This stance conveyed that the government was banking on the protests against its chicanery of 05 Sep 15 to die down (time is a great healer!) before making the notification as a fait-accompli.
Now that the Bihar election results are out, it appears that the gamble of the BJP to play politics with OROP before the elections, just as Congress did before the Lok Sabha elections, failed. It doesn’t look like that the political constituency in Bihar was hoodwinked into believing that the government was sincere about something like OROP. The faujis, despite dissatisfaction with the BJP government, didn’t do anything to sabotage its chances in Bihar because of the apolitical tag that they feel they are committed to. But, now, after the results, one can safely surmise that the results would have been much more disastrous for the BJP otherwise.
Yes, the faujis by themselves are very small constituency for the political parties to lose their sleep over. But, in this regard, their comparison to the mainstream English language media is apt. The English language media is very small as compared to the vernacular (in states like Gujarat, for example, until about a decade and a half back, it was unheard of). However, its influence over policy matters is disproportionately large. It is the same with the faujis. By and large, the countrymen hold the faujis in high esteem. In states like Punjab, Haryana, and Himachal, for example, every second family has someone in the armed forces. That makes it a fairly influential lobby; if that’s the language that the politicians understand.
BJP would have also realised that the politics of arrogance is not fetching it the desired results. Before and after Delhi elections, it supported by its henchmen media (exactly how the media is doing it now with OROP news), ridiculed AAP with undisguised arrogance and had a complete blackout of the massive AAP rallies. Even with all this, the BJP received only three seats but it was unruffled thinking that probably Delhi was a fluke case and Bihar would get back everything. It thus staked its reputation on the outcome of Bihar elections. When it started becoming clear that it was nowhere near winning Bihar, it still didn’t abandon the politics of arrogance. It indulged in divisive and parochial politics and even declared that those who don’t vote for BJP deserve to be sent to Pakistan.
I am sure that now, it would do well to reconsider arrogance as a governance model. Sheer numbers do not win battles, even electoral ones; the righteous, courageous and the moral do. The famous Battle of Saragarhi was fought on 12 September 1897 between just 21 committed Sikhs and 10000 Afghans. It is ranked by the United Nations as one of the bravest battles ever fought. Each one of the 21 Sikhs was given the highest honour by the British: Indian Order of Merit (equivalent to the present Param Vir Chakra or the Victoria Cross of the British). That is the power of the righteous. Numbers are merely deceptive.
Political parties, over the years (42 years to be exact since 1973 when they snatched the OROP from faujis), have played politics with what is now highly emotional issue affecting the izzat of the faujis. The picture of the 82 years old Vishambar Singh with his shirt torn, his medals snatched, after being assaulted by the police at Jantar Mantar on 14th Aug 15 would be enough to galvanise the faujis to fight another Saragarhi and defend their honour against all odds. Petty politics, the kind the BJP played recently, and UPA played all these years earlier, is not going to deter them. Soon it may occur to the government that the politics of arrogance is losing politically too.
Those engaged in the agitation for a full and undiluted OROP have given a call for Black Diwali; that is, Diwali minus the accompanying lighting of lamps without and happiness within. It may not be making enough clamour now or later when they, nation-wide, go about returning their medals in disgust. But, it is time to start listening.
Maj Gen Satbir Singh, SM, who spearheads the UFESM (United Front of Ex Service Men) campaign for OROP (One Rank One Pension), whilst speaking at the OROP Rally at Azad Maidan, Mumbai, on Saturday, 31 Oct 11, exhorted the faujis to observe Black Diwali this year by not lighting any lamps or indulging in any celebration. He said that the unfulfilled promise on OROP by the government has ruled out any joy of Diwali.
Yes, it is true that Narendra Modi’s government reneged on its election promises that it would implement OROP within 100 days of coming to power. Yes, it is true that the attitude of the government towards OROP after coming to power in May 2014 has been substantially different from the promissory attitude before that. Yes, it is true that the PM and his FM have even started questioning the very definition of OROP when Koshiyari Committee 2011 definition of the OROP has been universally accepted “by all stakeholders” including parliament, government, Ex Service Men and their organisations. Yes, it is true that the announcement by Shri Manohar Parrikar, the RM, on 5th Sep 15 has been a slap in the face of agitators since it is a much diluted OROP than what was approved by the two parliaments. Yes, it is true, that even this truncated OROP has not been notified. And yes, it is true that the veterans won’t be in any mood to celebrate Diwali.
The somber mood is also dictated by the fact that it has been 42 long years since OROP was done away by the government in 1973. Curiously, these 42 years are exactly three times the period of exile of Lord Ramchandra. We celebrate Diwali or Deepawali in remembrance of people of Ayodhaya who lit lamps rejoicing the return from exile of our Lord Ram. No such luck for the veterans; they are still exiled from OROP.
But, for the justification for Kaali or Black Diwali, I am not merely thinking of the exiled veterans. I am also thinking of the average countrymen. During the despondent times under the last UPA govt, they voted for a change, strong leadership, developmental agenda and straightforward approach towards significant issues. Now, after 17 months of the new government’s inauguration, we seem to be getting back to despondency. Think of the following:
1. Dithering by Manmohan Singh and party has been replaced by arrogance by NaMo and party especially by Arun Jaitley.
2. Developmental agenda has been replaced by non issues such as beef-ban, equating Shah Rukh Khan with a known terrorist Syed Hafeez, “those who vote against BJP in Bihar should go to Pakistan”, and Hindu chauvinism and relentless justification for ushering in the period of intolerance by going on the offensive with the facts that Hindus have been the most tolerant of people in the world.
3. Strong leadership and straightforward approach have been substituted by guile and chicanery as in the response towards parliament approved OROP.
We appear to be back to square one making the countrymen choose between the devil and the deep sea.
Black Diwali is particularly for us faujis. But, the rest of the countrymen cannot have a reason to rejoice.
All cats are grey in dark; NaMo proved that.
Lets take up some of these issues in slightly greater detail:
PM Manmohan Singh never had the manoeuvring space due to the fact that the entire UPA commanded only 229 seats in a the Lok Sabha with a strength of 545 and the INC had only 206 seats. It was, therefore, easy for the pressure groups to derail the developmental agenda on specious pretexts and because of vested interests. In contrast, BJP by itself in the 16th Lok Sabha constituted on 26 May 2014 has 282 of the 545 seats. Indeed, there is no leader of opposition as the Indian Parliament rules say that a party must have at least 10 percent of seats to be called opposition. Congress has only 44 seats. Instead of arrogance being the style of governance, the NDA could have, by now, put the country firmly on the path of development. Nay, even the black money in Swiss banks to be exposed and brought back to the country, as per the election promise of Modi, has been given a go by; making the people speculate that there is perhaps a quid-pro-qua as perhaps was there in denying the nation the full exposure of Bofors deal when NDA was last in power under Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
Nearly five years back, on our 62nd Republic Day, I wrote a piece titled ‘How Proud Should We Be Of The Indian Republic At 62?’ I had brought out that UN figures show that 80 percent of our population lives below US $ 2 a day. Forty-five percent of our population lives Below Poverty Line (BPL; a term used to describe those who have less than the UN stipulated $1.25 a day). In all human growth indices we are near the bottom, certainly much below the 100 mark. And yet, dividing the people along communal lines has been a priority with almost all of our political parties rather than focusing on developmental issues so as to eradicate poverty. Take this government, which has squarely been given the mandate by the people on the developmental issue. And yet, its focus has been elsewhere: Banning beef and such other issues. Following the tenet of ‘borrowing from Peter to pay Paul’ and conscious of the fact that in the more than one-fourth of its tenure it has done nothing much to address poverty and other developmental issues, it has come up with a ludicrous argument that giving veterans their right of OROP (which has been passed by two parliaments and hence the government having no power to deny it) would rob the poor. All our political parties have learnt from the British the art of Divide and Rule; and the present NDA is no exception.
The Bihar elections are so important and prestigious for BJP that everything else has been made subservient to it including OROP, communal harmony and even principles of ethics and decency. BJP came up with such ridiculous arguments as “those who do not vote for BJP deserve to be ousted to Pakistan” and that Shah Rukh Khan talks like Hafiz Saeed, the terrorist and the mastermind of 26/11 who enjoys covert and overt support from Pakistan state. What arrogance, that voting against BJP is to be considered anti-national!
All right-minded Indians know that the UPA in general and Congress in particular, under its banner of pseudo-secularism, played the communal card rather dangerously (Also read: ‘Is Communal Disharmony A Challenge To India’s March To Greatness?’) However, the NDA under BJP appears to be doing exactly the same in another manner so as to garner votes by dividing communities. This portends ill for the nation; if the nation can very well do without the pseudo-secularism of Congress, it can also do without the other extreme of return to Hindu chauvinism. Two wrongs can never make a right. It is high time we abandon the idea of dividing communities along religious lines and use the unifying force of humanitarianism and developmental agenda.
I have brought out only some of the significant issues. There is thus no reason for the the countrymen in general and faujis in particular to celebrate Diwali. There is nothing to rejoice about. It is indeed, return to despondency, which we saw during the last UPA regime. But, at that time, at least there was a hope that a Narendra Modi, in shining armour, would emerge to take us out of the morass. Most of such hopes have been shattered.
As if to add to the mood, yesterday, the country was witness to a most horrible video of police brutally beating up a boy and girl inside a police station. Whilst the police beat up the boy mercilessly, the girl’s screams could be heard for miles and yet they continued. The country must now quickly contemplate whether the citizens should permit the authorities to control everything from food habits to religion to socializing to morality. Should the average Indian citizen live under terror not from across the border but from our own people whom we voted to improve our lot?
I don’t know about you; but, this Diwali, many of us shall sit with bowed head in darkness, to match the somber mood of the country, and pray to our Lord Ram, to ensure that our leaders return to the agendas they promised and were voted to power for.
Dear Netas, Babus, Mediamen, Industrialists, Film Personalities and my Countrymen,
I am a fauji. I was never rich in money terms but I was made to feel rich by the job that was given to me to defend the country and the izzat that you gave me. In the average perception of the countrymen I was made to feel that I was wanted, admired and held in high esteem for my values. A number of movies were made on my valour, commitment and dedication. In these, in folklore and in the news I was always shown as the winner and the righteous. It was enough to keep my morale high and to sacrifice my life, liberty and comfort for the country. In short, it was an honourable profession.
But, it changed totally as soon as I became aware of how consistently you have denied me my dignity, izzat and One Rank One Pension (OROP). Despite your attitude ranging from non-caring to deception, I still clung on to the hope that perhaps I mattered despite all your betrayals since the year 1973 when, shortly after the 1971 war with Pakistan when I gave you the most spectacular victory (sorting out once and for all times, the problem of East Pakistan), you suddenly denied me the OROP and reduced my pension. Gradually, over years, you lowered my status and simultaneously augmented yours and finally, I was made to feel like a used condom.
Yes, some of you, made movies on the theme of my heroism and some of you paid lip-service to publicly singing songs of praise for me. But, looking back, now that I am at the end of my patience of waiting for you to restore my OROP, dignity and izzat, I am beginning to feel that it was all, perhaps for your own vested interests. I don’t trust you anymore and I am increasingly getting more convinced that you don’t deserve me and my sacrifices.
Please consider that God made all of us equal and he has given me too – just as he has given you – only one life. I used to think that your life is precious for me to safeguard with my life, even though I am not a mercenary (Please read, if you can find time from looking after your self-interest: Armed Forces And The Indian Society). Now that I have found that whilst I was ready to sacrifice my life for you, none of you has spared a thought for me or even time, I am beginning to wonder whether the profession of arms is honourable anymore or not. When I used to stand alone and unprotected at the highest battleground in the world: Siachin glacier, or at sea with kilometers of salty water under me, or in the air battling elements, I used to entertain a hope, since then proved false, that me and my family would be looked after by you. But, now I have discovered to my shock that you’d rather look after a cricketer, film-star or the like from whom you can obtain adequate publicity and return on your investment rather than me, I regret having ever entertained the hope that you care for me. I have also found that you have even started questioning whether in this peaceful atmosphere, I am required anymore.
Sadly, I have discovered, that you are chips of the same block. Didn’t the Radiia tapes bring out the unholy nexus that exists between politicians, bureaucrats, industrialists and media persons? It is all on record and yet despite that a media person squarely having sold herself to your interests was given Padma Shri.
On the television debates, some of you, driven by jingoism rather than by any genuine feelings, make a show of touching my feet. But otherwise, I openly ask you now, how is it that after nearly five months of my agitating on the streets, none of it has made any dent with you? You, who would be up in arms against the perpetrators of bias and crime against minorities, women and the so-called underprivileged; you who would write reams of paper on anything and everything of what you call public interests; you who would readily reward a batsman one crore rupees for hitting six sixes in an over of six balls; you who get concerned on the third day of truckers strike against enhancement of toll (Please read: Long Time No War); how is that you displayed total disinterest when one of me ilk, an 82 years grenadier, was roughed up by the police on the eve of independence? How is it that you confidently feel that none of this affects you?
I don’t trust you anymore. You are good at making promises. You are good at making insignificant things into issues of national interest and conversely, you ignore the issues that are indeed significant. I don’t trust you anymore.
I hope, in this atmosphere of hopelessness for me, you have an alternate plan ready just in case you discover and re-discover that there is indeed threat to national security and to your assets and that no one is willing to take up that challenge anymore. I hope that you have a Plan B ready when you discover that the youth of the country refuse to join the armed forces knowing that these are the people who are remembered in crises but quickly forgotten, ignored and put to shame when the crises no longer exist, at least in your perception. I hope you have enough money to buy security when your erstwhile trusted source has dried out in disdainful despondency.
Even you know that it isn’t a fight for money. It is indeed one for regaining lost status and izzat. I don’t trust you anymore even with the outcome. Even if you announce it on Diwali, as you now claim in your thousandth promise, I really don’t trust you. I would be skeptical that you would lose no opportunity to show me down even after giving me my right. You would come up with senseless statements, for example, that you had to snatch it from the poor to give to me. I thought you shouted from house-tops that you had almost eradicated poverty after nearly six and half decades of independence; so then, who are these poor from whom you are snatching to give to me? Are you obliquely accepting the fact that there are indeed poor in the country despite your promises, election after election, that you would eradicate poverty? Are you also accepting that your promises are indeed mere promises? Are you now saying that you would have, but, those who gave their life for the country are standing in the way of your fulfilling your promise?
How about asking the industrialists, film personalities, cricketers like you to donate towards eradicating poverty? Is taking from one poor to give to the other, the only pragmatic solution that you can think of?
You also threaten me with the challenge of para-military forces and the like also waiting in the sidelines to clamour for OROP. Didn’t various commissions and committees including Koshiyari Committee of 2011 rule it out because of difference in retirement ages and unique service conditions? Are you yourself being party to this clamour now so as to silence the veterans?
I don’t trust you anymore You are now catching at straws to somehow deny me my due. You have almost lost me now; you are not big enough and rich enough to buy me back. You would rue the following moment for as long as you live:
I don’t trust you anymore; I never will. And you yourself are responsible for that.
Yours (you would hope) faithfully (I am not too sure) Fauji
By an ex-parte order of the GoI, the OROP that the veterans enjoyed since independence was withdrawn in 1973. Because of their peculiar service conditions and short lengths of service (most men retire between 35 to 37 years so as to have them as jawans (young men) in the armed forces), they were at that time given 70 % of last pay drawn as pension and civil service personnel 33 %. By the same order, it was raised to 50 % for civil services and reduced to 50 % for officers and 37 % for men.
Several representations by armed forces followed. Typically, the government appointed committees and commissions such as 3rd CPC in 1973, Estimates Committee, 1980-81, KP Singh Deo Committee of 1984, 4th CPC in 1987, Jafa Committee of 1989, Sharad Pawar Committee of 1990-91, 5th CPC, GoM Committee of 2005, and 6th CPC in 2006. Instead of restoring OROP, the government in 2008 provided OROP to civil and police services in 2008 at highest pay grades and they made sure, by an internal memo, that 100 % of them became eligible to do so because of NFU (Non-functional Financial Upgradation; which meant that if one in a batch was promoted, the others automatically became eligible to draw the increased pay).
This was betrayal of the worst kind. Agitations followed and veterans returned medals to the President at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi. Govt appointed a Ten Member committee under BJP MP Bhagat Singh Koshiyari. In Dec 2011, the committee gave report strongly favouring OROP and gave a definition of OROP accepted by all parties including the parliament. Since then, two parliaments have passed the OROP but is yet to be implemented.
Shri Narendra Modi declared in election campaign at Rewari, Haryana, on 15th Sep 2013, that his government would implement OROP within 100 days of coming to power. Again, on 2014 Diwali day at Siachin, the PM announced OROP to soldiers. However, the RM’s announcement of OROP on 5th Sep 2015 (after 16 months of being in power) was an apology for OROP. It has seven distinct shortcomings and if implemented in the present form it would totally kill the very definition of OROP. The UFESM (United Front of Ex-Servicemen) decided to, therefore, continue with the renewed agitation that started on 14th June 15 at Jantar Mantar including Relay Hunger Strikes from 15th June 15. Rallies are being held across the country to make people aware of the machinations of the babus-netas who have relentlessly denied OROP to veterans after withdrawing it in 1973 within 18 months of the 1971 War victory.
Koshiyari Committee Report and the Flaws in GoI Announcement on 05 Sep 15
Post 2008 agitations, a ten member committee was appointed under the BJP MP Bhagat Singh Koshiyari. It gave its report in Dec 2011 and not just strongly recommended OROP to be implemented but gave a definition of OROP as follows:
OROP “implies that uniform pension be paid to the Armed Forces Personnel retiring in the same rank with the same length of service irrespective of their date of retirement and any future enhancement in the rates of pension to be automatically passed on to the past pensioners.” The concept includes “bridging the gap between the rate of pension of the current pensioners and the past pensioners, and also future enhancements in the rate of pension to be automatically passed on to the past pensioners. In armed forces, equality in service has two components, namely, rank and length of service. The importance of rank is inherent in armed forces as it has been granted by the President of India and signifies command, control and responsibility in consonance with ethos of service. These ranks are even allowed to be retained by the individual concerned after his/her retirement. Hence, two armed personnel in the same rank and equal length of service should get same pension irrespective of date of retirement and any future enhancement in rates of pension be automatically passed on to the past pensioners.”
The Koshiyari Committee definition of OROP was accepted by the government, endorsed by the parliament and by the ex-servicemen organisations. Since then two parliaments approved OROP. But, the government’s announcement on OROP on 05 Sep 15 fell much short of the approved definition of OROP. It has the following serious flaws:
It brought out that those who seek VRS (Voluntary Retirement Scheme) would be kept out of the OROP. This shocked all those engaged in the agitation. It appears that this particular clause has been added at the last minute at the behest of the bureaucracy who is hell-bent to deny the complete OROP to the veterans. Armed forces, unlike some corporates and public sector units, do not have the concept of VRS. They have Pre-Mature Retirement (PMR). Now, if a person has completed his pensionable service and then sought PMR, why should he or she be denied OROP?
The government has declared that a review of the pensions would be done every five years. This means that in this period of five years pensioners would have five different pensions and not one as envisaged in Koshiyari definition of OROP.
The base year for calculation of OROP has been selected as calendar year 2013 and not financial year 2013-14 as is normally the basis of all salary and pension related matters. Again, there is an attempt to deny the increments that would have been due in a financial year.
The government has been petty-minded even for the date of award. They had agreed to the date of 01 Apr 14 in all talks with ESMs. But, at the last minute changed it to 01 Sep 14.
Whilst earlier the government had agreed to provide pension at the highest point of pay band for a rank, the government has done a volte-face and now conceived to provide it at mean average of lowest and highest points.
Government plans to appoint a one man judicial council to decide the matter in six months time against the suggested constitution of five members: one each veterans from each service, one serving armed forces member and one bureaucrat. The ESM have also questioned that six months shouldn’t be required after 42 years and the report should be ready in one month’s time.
OROP should have been awarded in perpetuity and not linked to pay commission as the government has done.
Sense of Betrayal and the Agitation Continues
Many of our countrymen initially, after the GoI announcement on 05 Sep 15, felt that whereas the government seems to have gone out of its way to announce OROP, the ex-servicemen appear to be fussy in continuing with the agitation. Gradually, it has dawned on our people that the chasm between the neta-babu nexus before the announcement seem to have deepened with the announcement. There has been a deep-rooted sense of betrayal that several governments played into the hands of the babus to deny the full and accepted definition of OROP and that, even after 42 years, the BJP government keen to take credit for finally announcing OROP, has taken refuge in petty-mindedness rather than large-heartedness. The government should have also known that the government is not authorised to tinker with OROP after it has been approved twice by two parliaments.
It was, therefore, decided by United Front of ESM (UFESM) to continue with the agitation until full implementation of OROP. There have been promises galore in the last several decades. The latest ones have been by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s goverment that it would be implemented within 100 days of NDA government coming into power (it did in May 2014 and the OROP is still to be implemented). There are latest ones going around that it would be implemented after Bihar elections, and by Diwali. These really sound hollow after so many betrayals.
Mumbai Rally at Historic Azad Maidan, Saturday, 31st Oct 15
The UFESM under Major General Satbir Singh, SM, Retd., therefore, decided to continue with the agitations and spread awareness amongst the citizens of India by holding rallies in various parts of the country such as Ambala, Dharamshala, and Chennai. The last rally was in Jalandhar, Punjab, and the next is in the historic Azad Maidan in Mumbai on 31st Oct 15. It is the same venue where the Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi held a rally against the British in Dec 1931.
A video of the issues of the forthcoming rally has been prepared by Navi Mumbai TV (NMTV) under the guidance of Commander SH Kalawat, Retd., Convener of ESM in Mumbai, Colonel Harbhajnik Singh, Retd., our point-man for dealing with the press, and self:
https://youtube.com/watch?v=ej2uRX92s9k%3F
There has been concerted media and social media campaign. We addressed a press-conference on 26 Oct 15:
Some glimpses of the social-media campaign besides articles and stories:
The issues are, therefore, in public domain. We request all veterans and families and citizens of this great city of Mumbai to join us in our fight for the just cause.
In the end, as Major General Satbir and other veterans have often said, it is not an issue of money; it is an issue of dignity and izzat of the veterans.
After US President Barrack Obama’s last visit to India in Jan 2015, when he was the chief guest at our Republic day parade, I wrote an article titled ‘Is Communal Disharmony A Challenge To India’s March To Greatness?’ Talking to Delhi University students, he brought out that “No society is immune from the darkest impulses of men,” said Obama. “India will succeed so long as it is not splintered along the lines of religious faith.” I had traced the history of exploitation of religion and religious disharmony in India and had concluded that five diverse reasons existed for latent religious disharmony in India manifesting into large-scale unrest and violence that would undermine India taking its rightful place as an emerging economic and political power.
It has been eight months since I wrote the article. Lets take stock of how far have we reached in the politicisation of religion and secularism. Lets start in the news item of 22 Sep 15, in Hindustan Times:
‘The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) believes the concept of being secular was “irrelevant” in the Indian context and the “artificial injection of secularism” was not needed in a social order as hospitable and assimilative as Hindu society.
Sangh publicity chief Manmohan Vaidya said at an event in Chennai that Bharatiya or Indian tradition has from time immemorial regarded all faiths and sects as one.
“Secularism evolved along the themes of separation of the church and state in Europe and since India doesn’t have a history of theocratic states, the concept of secularism is irrelevant in the Indian context,” he said addressing more than 80 columnists from the southern states at an RSS-organised seminar last weekend.
Vaidya’s remarks closely follow RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s suggestion to set up a committee to review reservation system. This remark has already evoked sharp political reactions.
“Perversion of the concept of secularism in India has resulted in the terming of nationalists as communal and people with communal thinking being hailed as secular,” Vaidya said in the presence of RSS general secretary Suresh Bhaiyaji Joshi, the second-most powerful man in the outfit which is the BJP’s ideological mentor.’
One would like to believe these proclamations at face value; more so if one belongs to what once was the most benign, inclusive and reasonable religion in the world: Hinduism. However, in the past few decades of Congress rule, and in the more recent BJP rule, the divisive forces are being constantly fanned over what should be non-issues. The result is that over the electronic media, the minorities have openly started saying that they feel uncomfortable and insecure.
Take a look at the following illustrative diagram:
Despite the obvious spelling mistakes in the diagram, I found it illustrative of how the state must keep clear of religion and individual choices. Yes, as Manmohan Vaidya said, we don’t have a history of theocratic states. But, the state’s interference in matters of religion and individual choices has been on the increase. All political parties in India exploit religions as possible vote-banks. That’s precisely the reason why pooja-pandals have smaller pictures of the gods for whose collective worship the pandals have been made but much larger pictures of the political leaders sponsoring the pandals. One would want to hear from Manmohan Vaidya why wouldn’t the political parties in India leave religion to the people? Why would a BJP MLA make open and publicized remarks against the High Court’s curbs on noise during religious festivals by saying that the courts should respect people’s freedom of religious practices? Why does a political leader feel compelled to be a spokesperson for a particular religion if, as Vaidya said, we do not have, like the Europeans, the merging of the church and the state? Talking about the church, a government functionary in south India preaching the teachings of Christ in his official duties is as bad as the state getting involved in what is euphemistically called respecting the religious sentiments of the people (Please also read ‘State Sponsored Noise’ and ‘Who Are The People Whose Sentiments Need To Be Respected?‘)
I have read any number of articles on the net and otherwise extolling the virtues of idol-worship in India. The virtues range from child like innocence and purity of approach when a person stands reverently in front of an idol in total submission to how the idols help us to concentrate and stay focused. All very well and I would have been for it. However, when the same idol-worship, that should have been a private and personal affair becomes politically exploited communal affair, there are great challenges and dangers. Some of these are:
1. Keeping People From Scholarly Pursuits. Hinduism, the religion that I respect most, is all about scholarly pursuits. I wrote in my ‘A Quieter Mumbai – Is It A Pipedream?‘ that the name of the country Bharat is a combination of two Sanskrit words Bha (Knowledge) and Rat (Absorbed in); and that Bharat literally means a country whose people are absorbed in knowledge. People collectively always seek the easy way out and hence most rituals in religion abound in which people can be easily swayed to join. For example, our priests openly exhort us to offer to an idol thinking of the idol as the real God. Scholars are supposed to reason out things; our religion is perhaps the only religion that has encouraged reasoning (Arjuna did it with our Lord Krishna even in the battlefield). So, if you reason out such offerings to the idols, you would conclude, as I did on my page ‘Make Your Own Quotes’:
When the Chinese pilgrims Fa-Hein and Huien-Tsang visited India in the 5th and 7th centuries AD (during the Gupta dynasty), they were impressed by the scholarly pursuits of our people and Brahmins. Indeed, Baidyanath Saraswati has brought out in ‘Swaraj in Education’ how Kashi (now Varanasi or Benaras) grew into a great seat of learning surpassing other civilisational centres of the world including Rome and Mecca. Except for Bihar, they didn’t find a single place in the entire route of their pilgrimage in India where idol worship was being performed. Whenever, people deviated from the scholarly religious pursuits our religious leaders tried to bring us back such as Swami Vivekananda and Guru Nanak.
Take the latter, Guru Nanak, for example. The incident at Jagannath Puri, just before the annual rath yatra has Guru Nanak being invited for the Aarti at the temple has been recorded in our history.
The Guru visited the temple not to offer Aarti to Lord Krishna but to teach the people that the worship of God is superior to the worship of the deity. It was the evening time and the priests brought a salver full of many lighted lamps, flowers, incense and pearls and then all stood to offer the salver to their enshrined idol-god. The ceremony was called ‘Aarti’, a song of dedication. The high-priest invited the Guru to join in the god’s worship. The Guru did not join their service which enraged the priests. On being asked the reason the Guru explained that a wonderful serenade was being sung by nature before the invisible altar of God. The sun and the moon were the lamps, placed in the salver of the firmament and the fragrance wafted from the Malayan mountains was serving as incense. The Guru, therefore, instead of accepting the invitation of the high-priest to adore the idol, raised his eyes to the heaven and exhorted people to worship God directly rather than through the idol of God.
The sad part is that a small percentage of Hindus chose to become Sikh (learned or taught) and chose the easy way out to form a separate religion rather than to seek religious reforms from within.
2. Environmental and Other Damages. There is a great deal of debate, for example, on the environmental degradation due to visarjan of the huge idols, for example, particularly of our water bodies. In congested cities and towns (and we have only that variety), traffic problems get multiplied during such public idol-worship due to both: the pandals coming up on the roads and the almost everyday processions. Noise that affects us all aurally and adding to hygiene and medical problems is now too large to be ignored. Many of our people are now becoming gradually deaf.
3. Dangerous Trend of Intolerance. Most right-minded and sane minded people feel that such public show of idol worship is as far from religion as we can get and is only with vested commercial and political interests. However, such is the demonstrated intolerance of the mobs that are exploited for these that most of these people have to now cower in fear of violence. Imagine religion leading to violence! However, when mobs do such things that should be individual and personal and private choices, reason is often the victim. Such competitive intolerance amongst communities does no good to people but is the bread and butter of politicians and those who have to gain by dividing people along religious lines.
4. Keeping Us From Our Obligation towards Humanitarian Issues and Causes. Yes, idol-worship does provide focus to us. However, now a stage has reached when we can do without such focus. Recently, we have found out through the audits of the four largest temples in India that the offerings in these temples are enough to feed our country for the next 200 years. And yet, we have the largest number of poor in the world in India. In Human Growth Indices our country ranks a lowly 140 or so. The conclusion to be drawn is that our people would do anything to save their own souls by offering to the idols in the temples rather than giving directly to people in need. That’s utterly selfish use of idol-worship, diametrically opposite of the virtues that are extolled in all the articles that I have read.
5. Not in Keeping with the Times. There are other religions which opposed reforms and tried to become as medieval as possible. A flagrant example of these is Jihad in the name of God. We, on the other hand, were much better off with assimilation of modernity in our thoughts whilst doing away with anti-social traditions such as Sati, Untouchability, and Child-marriage. The open idol-worship (as opposed to personal and private) is taking us backwards to medieval times. As I wrote in my ‘Whose God Is It Anyway?’:
‘God is within us and all around us. We neither have to go to mountains, nor churches, mosques and temples to worship Him or Her. Collective worshipping of God or gods helps no one except to divide communities (who are also the same God’s creations and hence related to us) and only helps the politicians or so called custodians of faith who thrive from such polarization.’
If you read the full article, you will agree with me that the reasons to have collective worship of God or gods no longer exist. Religion and such devotion should increasingly become private and personal, if at all.
The need of the hour is for us individually and collectively engage ourselves in poverty-alleviation programmes, education of the deprived and infrastructure building rather than dissipating time, energy and effort in telling God to save us and our should or our community or our nation.
Goodness is another name for God and is the most relevant in the modern times.
When you agitate about a cause these days – unlike Mahatma Gandhi in pre-independence India whose strength was always truth and hence he called it satyagraha – you do it from a position of strength. Your position of strength invariably stems from the great harm, inconvenience, and loss that will accrue to people because of disruption of services caused by the agitation. Lets take truckers strike to demand abolition of hike in octroi. The disruption of services initially inconveniences people but eventually, the prices of essential commodities go up, there is all round hue and cry and government is keen to bring the striking truckers on the negotiating table with overt and covert concessions. The brand of democracy that we have perfected is democracy by coercion.
There is no such parallel in the OROP agitation by veterans. As I wrote in ‘Indians And Drawing Room Wars’, this is an agitation in which only the veterans are involved. The media was involved in two ways: one for the political fall-out issue of the leanings of their respective publications and electronic channels; and two, because of their TRPs since nothing sells better than jingoism and any issue of the faujis instantly provokes jingoism. Indeed, the BJP spokesmen, conscious of this jingoism, in panel discussions on the television, tried to gain brownie points by touching the feet of the veterans and making other obsequious noises. The media, however, quickly abandoned the veterans and soon latched on to Indrani Mukherjee shrewdly calculating that murder mysteries and debauchery sell even better than jingoism.
So, the OROP agitation, stays what it was originally – a satyagarha for a just cause, with a difference that no one’s life is affected by it and people at large range from disinterested lot to jingoists.
I am reminded of this scene in Shyam Benegal’s movie Nishant (Night’s End) wherein the idealist village school teacher (Girish Karnad) has his wife (Shabana Azmi) abducted and molested by the the local goons. The school-teacher goes to the town in an attempt to obtain justice from the civil authorities. He meets with no success simply because his wife being raped doesn’t affect their lives or conscience. In any case, my experience of bureaucrats in general and of teaching them in defence orientation courses in particular is that soon after their graduation from Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration at Mussoorie, they get rid of their conscience and scruples as no longer necessary for their professional upbringing. So, in an attempt to get over his disgust, anger and frustration, the village school-teacher, on his return journey to the village, throws his weathered black umbrella down and jumps over it and kicks it. The veterans can do similar things unless they can carry the people with them and it starts pinching the indifferent government and the bureaucracy. Even in Nishant, the villagers support is mobilized in the end of the movie though this support turns violent and the oppressors are slaughtered.
The rallying point is, naturally, the incalculable harm being done to the fabric of this nation. There is a beautiful article, for example, by my friend Col Subin Balakrishnan, Retd., titled ‘The Real Cost of OROP‘ and another one by Rohit Agarwal titled ‘Penny foolish, pound foolish’ in which he has worked out that not rewarding pre-mature retirement and keeping oldies in the armed forces not doing any productive would be much costlier than giving them OROP.
But, these are not enough. We, the veterans, have to constantly bring home to them as to what is lost in the din of OROP agitation and continued indifference and machinations by the netas and the babus.
The existential struggles of us Indians, our forever indulging in politics even in matters concerning national security, and our proven preference for short-term gains in comparison to long-term national interests, have made us overlook some of the direct and indirect consequences of the prolonged OROP agitation. These indeed have serious repercussions for us as a nation. In the present mind-set of our people, they would scarcely think of these unless adequate reminders are given:
1. Lack of Strategic Culture. We look at the synergy between various arms of the government in, say, our neighbouring nation China or the most powerful nation United States. The former is widely regarded as our competitor, if not an immediate adversary. The latter is the nation that we secretly want to emulate. There is a long term perspective, a strategic culture, that is clearly understood between various arms of the government. We have always bemoaned the lack of it in India. The result is that even in our immediate neighbourhood no one takes us seriously. Our growth and influence suffer. We were like this in all these years of Congress rule. The BJP promised to be different. However, let alone bringing out and promoting any concert between the three important arms of the government, we now have the biggest chasm ever. This would eventually be detrimental to the interests of the nation in India and abroad.
2. Loss of Trust between Faujis and Politicians. Trust and confidence are built up when you do the right things even if you struggle. It took forty-two years to restore OROP to the services which was withdrawn in 1973 so as to serve the vested interests of the bureaucrats. All along, the faujis felt that they had to reckon with the indifference and animosity of the babus only. It has now come out loud and clear that the politicians, irrespective of the party that they belong to, are wont to dishonour their own promises and clear-cut supreme court rulings. This loss of trust appears to be permanently etched on the psyche of the average fauji now. This would, naturally, have serious consequences for the morale of the armed forces. Our service chiefs have often bemoaned the shortages in equipment and platforms affecting preparedness for war and other eventualities. However, the high levels of commitment, training and the crucial morale used to cover for these shortages. But, now, we have a situation wherein the morale itself is dwindling.
3. Loss of Fascination For Armed Forces amongst the Youth. Who wants to join the services that are treated so shabbily? There are other options available for young men and women. However, what about the armed forces themselves? If the youth of the country make it as one of their last choices, who would defend the country against external aggression and many other prevalent threats? Or is it that these ever increasing threats would vanish like election promises?
4. Loss of Trust Between Jawans and Officers This is such a serious issue that former chiefs brought it out to the government alarmingly. They contended that the jawans feel that not getting their due from the government is actually failure of leadership of the armed forces. When the chips are down, it is this trust in leadership that makes the crucial difference. The loss of this trust has serious consequences, they said. The government brushed it aside as something of little consequence. Indeed, it appears that anything other than vote-bank politics and asserting supremacy of religion is considered inconsequential by the government.
5. Loss of Hope for Countrymen. Narendra Modi provided or promised hope and fair-play as opposed to UPA govt mired in scams and controversy. And then started these machinations by Jaitly and Modi. This and the scams that they themselves have got into has certainly resulted into loss of hope for the countrymen. Many of them are now justifiably asking who should they turn to now that all the fronts have provided the same loss of hope. The country, which had brightened up with Modi’s promise of good governance slowly recedes to despair.
6. Ill Foreboding. This perhaps is the most serious. Modi is a very shrewd, calculating, politically savvy man. I am sure that he is aware of the larger issue involved in the OROP agitation, which is, to set right the balance upset by the systematic degradation of the status of the armed forces personnel at the hands of the babus. And yet, he has openly sided with the babus in approving piece-meal implementation of the OROP at their behest. He has chosen to disregard Supreme Court directives and the sentiments of his armed forces personnel who are traditionally the most loyal servants. Choosing to side with one of the worst bureaucracies in the world can mean only one of the two things. One, that he doesn’t consider himself strong enough to rein in the reckless and largely corrupt bureaucracy. Two, and I hope it is not correct, that he has skeletons in the cupboard and feels compelled to keep the bureaucracy on his right side.
Two of the most damaging images seen by our countrymen in recent times are: One, the police assault on veterans in Jantar Mantar on the eve of independece day; and Two, the government washing its hands off after promise of piece-meal implementation of OROP with an attitude of this far and no further; and then, brow-beating the entire media into submission by asking them not to cover the massive peaceful rallies post the piece-meal announcement. The message that it clearly sends is that the government is fed up of its own armed forces.
I started the article by saying that the veterans don’t appear to be having a position of strength viz-a-viz the government. Perhaps there is one, which is that the tenacity and leadership of the armed forces that made them deliver Bangladesh in 1971 War, in the absence of any clear-cut directives by the government, would hold them in good stead and it is the babu-neta nexus that would eventually lose.
I joined the Indian Navy in 1973. In a decade or so before that we had fought two bloody wars with Pakistan and one with China. The 1962 War with China resulted in shame and embarrassment thanks to the civilian leadership’s shortsightedness including the decision not to use the Air Force. The 1965 war was indecisive though we tasted many victories. The 1971 War, however, had resulted in a resounding victory; in a 12 days swift war, the Indian armed forces sorted out the problem of East Pakistan and of having the same enemy flanking us from the East and the West. The armed forces leadership covered up for the civil leadership’s indecisiveness and lack of foresight as well
The average Indians, having gone through experiences that tangibly and in many cases substantially touched their lives, were grateful and identified with the faujis. Yes, there were the business communities in Bombay and Gujarat who objected to the blackouts at nights, during the 1965 and 1971 wars, since their businesses and resultant money-making abilities were affected. But, the Indians, which had genuine respect for the armed forces, far outnumbered those that were driven by other interests including political compulsions. The atmosphere was replete with patriotic songs such as Ai mere watan ke logo, Watan ki raah mein watan ke naujwan shaheed ho, and Awaaz do ham ek hain.
Since then, there has been gradual and steady tumble downhill in the collective perceptions of our countrymen about the necessary evil called war and respect for the armed forces. Admittedly, this fall is a global phenomenon. As people become more secure, they start questioning the money being spent on and the brouhaha about security. This finds expression in such reasoning as, “Don’t be under the impression that only the armed forces personnel are patriotic. No national boundaries are going to be redefined now. I, working in my office, am addressing even more significant freedoms than a soldier does, eg, economic freedom, freedom of expression, and freedom from moral and social taboos such as homosexuality.” However, the indifference towards the erstwhile saviours of the country, the faujis is more pronounced in India than elsewhere.
These are not the only drawing – room wars that our countrymen fight. The real war against the enemies of the country is as if always elsewhere, and no one other than the faujis is involved. I am reminded of Herman Wouk in The Caine Mutiny: “War is a terrible business in which people get killed and you are damn glad you ain’t one of them.” And mind you, Caine Mutiny was written at a time when the ongoing war affected millions of people.
It is almost like the kids on the net fighting video-game wars. There are planes, guns, missiles, bombs and warships. People do get killed, there is mayhem or massacre. But, there is no real blood, no real danger, no real pain of a mother losing her only son or that of a young, just-married widow. All that the kids are interested in is similar to their interest in cricketing jamborees such as IPL: ‘what’s the score?’ An average Indian today is as close to the image of this video-games kid as you can get.
There is a fierce war going on in Kashmir. There is one going on in the North-East. There is another in the Maoist belt that extends all the way from Nepal to Andhra. There is yet another war of law and order situations in the country getting out of hand due to bad management by those actually being paid and charged with controlling such situations. But, as far as our drawing-room warriors are concerned, the fauji is fighting his own battle or war without the slightest involvement of people. The other so called freedoms interest and fascinate them more; eg, freedom to see pornography in the confines of their bedrooms.
I hope to be proved wrong but I am already proved right to a large extent by the fact that this same fauji is now fighting helplessly against the injustice done to him in case of OROP by successive governments; and no one other than him and his family is involved. Yes, of course, our countrymen pay lip-service to the courage, values and plight of the faujis. But, why is there no general hue and cry about the step-motherly treatment meted out to them? The same countrymen who were up in arms, for example, against the injustice done to Jessica Lal and about waking up the conscience of the political leadership after Nirbhay’s rape in New Delhi, are silent now and don’t even extend moral support. Possibly, singing paeans of the faujis by the people is just an effort to be counted amongst the patriotic. However, other than this, the people at large, the intelligentsia, and the media steer clear from any expression of support as if it doesn’t concern them. Anna Hazare was able to rally support for his anti-corruption campaign initially and people joined in protest in large numbers across the country and especially in the capital. However, matters of national security don’t seem to concern people. These are fit enough only to be used in run up to elections as handy tools for the vilification campaigns that our political parties indulge in.
The most shameful assault by the police, the henchmen of the political leaders, on aged armed forces veterans and their families, took place on the eve of the 69th Independence Day. However, our countrymen, the drawing-room warriors that they are, left it largely to the veterans to sort this out. The veterans are now forced to sit on fast unto death.
Initially, in the Kargil War, state funerals used to be organised when the body-bags of our soldiers started arriving. Nowadays, such body-bags don’t make much of a dent. It is, more or less, business as usual.
What about the rich industrialists? In my article of three years ago, ‘Armed Forces And the Indian Society’, which I recently circulated again for its relevance today, I had pointed out that the industrialists are the direct beneficiaries of secure environment inside the country and across the seas. Their businesses flourish. However, do you think anyone of them have contributed money or time or support for the OROP agitation? A few of our former services chiefs have gone to the extent of publicly saying that the continued neglect by the political bosses of the veterans and armed forces would eventually have serious consequences for the security of the country. This has ruffled no feathers anywhere.
Never before in the history of a nation the guarantors of the country’s independence have been so slighted. However, so strange is this country that there is nary a public outcry. As one of our political leaders said publicly and haughtily about the faujis: “They are paid to die.”
We, faujis, should be thankful that our countrymen haven’t (yet) asked us to pay for having been given the opportunity to secure their lives and the nation.
The most shameful images that this country had to see in Independent India were aired yesterday, on the eve of India’s 69th Independence Day, when the government tried to forcibly break-up a peaceful protest by ex-servicemen for the long pending demand of OROP (One Rank One Pension). Lets contrast it with the historic Jallianwala Bagh massacre of 13th April 1919 when the soldiers of the British Indian Army tried to breakup a peaceful protest by the civilians on the Baisakhi day. Yesterday, it was the reverse: the civilian government, an ungrateful government, turned against soldiers who have sacrificed their everything defending this country.
Just as the country cannot forget the images of Jallianwala Bagh, we can never forget the images like the above from Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, yesterday.
The government also, for the first time signaled that taking on ex armed forces personnel by police and para-military forces is a fair bet since the ex armed forces personnel have already done their bit for the country when in active service and are of little use to the government now; they are not even a large vote bank.
Sadly, people of our great nation don’t see it that way. They have always looked up to the armed forces since the armed forces have delivered each and every time. In the end, what got sullied were not the armed forces personnel who were pushed, shoved, kicked and manhandled. The already sullied images of our netas (irrespective of the political party that they belong to) and babus have now seen the bottom of the pit. Just as the Queen of England never apologised for Jallianwala Bagh massacre, no one expects our netas and babus to apologise for bringing ex servicemen to this mortification.
Today, on the day of our Independence, here is a parody that describes our netas and babus.
My apologies to Jaan Nisar Akhtar, Khaiyyam and Mohammad Rafi for using a parody of their most famous song together to depict what our Netas and Babus have as their anthem today:
चोरी है अपनी ज़मीं, चोरी है अपना गगन,
चोरी है अपना जहाँ, चोरी में लगता है मंन
अपने सभी सुख चोर हैं, अपनी सँगत में सब चोर हैं
आवाज़ दो हम चोर हैं, हम चोर हैं
को: आवाज़ दो, आवाज़ दो हम चोर हैं, हम चोर हैं
ये वक़्त खोने का नहीं, ये वक़्त सोने का नहीं
सबकी जेबें साफ़ करो, किसी को भी ना माफ़ करो
फौजियों ने हमें दी आज़ादी, हम करते हैं उनकी बर्बादी
छलिनी करदो उनका सीना, मुश्किल करदो उनका जीना
दुश्मन भी ना जो करे, हम उनके लिए करते रहें
हर जगह सुहाना शोर है, देश का नेता चोर है
को: आवाज़ दो, आवाज़ दो हम चोर हैं, हम चोर हैं
ये जवान हिमाला में लढा, ये पंजाब में दुश्मन से भिड़ा,
लेकिन हमें ना कोई फ़र्क़ है, जवानो के लिए देश नरक है
रिश्वत पे हमको नाज़ है, पैसा हमारा सरताज है
जनता के पैसे अपने हैं, ये सब हमारे अपने हैं
जवानो ने नमक का मोल दिया, हमने तो उनको बोल दिया
OROP दे देंगे बार बार, पचास साल तो करो इंतज़ार
को: आवाज़ दो, आवाज़ दो हम चोर हैं, हम चोर हैं
उठो जवानां-ए-वतन, बाँधे हुए सर से कफ़न
उठो दक्कन की ओर से, गंग-ओ-जमन की ओर से
पंजाब के दिल से उठो, सतलुज के साहिल से उठो
महाराष्ट्र की खाक से, दिल्ली की अर्ज़-ए-पाक से
बंगाल से गुजरात से, कश्मीर के बागात से
नेफ़ा से राजस्थान से, पुर्ख़ां के हिंदुस्तान से
इस मुल्क़ का नेता चोर है, चारों तरफ ये शोर है
इसका ईमान नोट है, या जनता का वोट है
The biggest two techno-social changes that have happened in the last decade or so have affected our lives in a huge manner. Thanks to these two changes, everyone is a photographer now and everyone can write and publish.
People of this generation, who are already used to these two, won’t even know how difficult it used to be in the past.
Lets take photography first. At one time, as you see in various galleries and museums, only the royal people used to have their photographs taken. The camera – an equipment weighing about 5 to 8 kgs – used to be covered with a black cloth so as to save the film from unintended exposure. No one was well versed to take pictures except skilled photographers. Even after these photographers became available to general public; firstly, the cost was well beyond the reach of anyone except the upper crust; secondly, between clicking (actually it was not even clicking but a calculated exposure by removing the cap of the lens) and developing and printing a photograph a great deal of time would pass; and thirdly, because of the first two, there was nothing like photography on the move such as travel photography or even of events like picnics and birthdays.
Even after the cameras became smaller and gradually SLR (Single Lens Reflex; that is looking at the subject through the same lens through which a picture was to be taken rather than through a view-finder mounted atop the camera), there were only limited pictures (generally 12) that one could click after settings that included weather, speed, exposure etc because of the limitation of camera roll that had to be installed in the camera with great care so as to avoid unintended exposure. One would know about the results of one’s efforts only after the entire roll got over and you went to a photo-studio to have the roll developed and printed.
You invited friends and relatives to view your photo albums but rarely shared copies with them unless they featured in the photos. Even at that, to ask photo studio to make copies of specific numbers of photos was frustrating since many times due to reel loading problems, the number occurred atop two adjoining photos.
Even after the digital cameras came up, for the first few years these were so frightfully expensive that they were beyond the reach of the common man.
And then suddenly, every phone has a camera, everyone is taking photographs and selfies. Earlier, a video camera used to be carried on the shoulder of a qualified videographer; now, people are taking your videos when you are not even aware. Paparazzi is reportedly a nuisance phenomenon and one of the reasons behind Princess Di’s untimely demise in an accident.
People are posting live pictures and videos on social media such as Facebook and Whatsapp. A number of jokes have come up because of this tendency. In a cartoon, for example, in a building people are advised as follows:
‘IN CASE OF FIRE, IMMEDIATELY LEAVE THE BUILDING THROUGH MARKED ESCAPE ROUTES AND NOT WAIT TO TAKE PICTURES AND SELFIES.’
With these millions of pictures on the net, some personal family pictures and others like Google Images, to get people’s attention to view them is quite a task. Various innovative means are thought of to attract people’s attention. One method on Facebook is to tag people in the post with photographs. These people would get notifications such as: “ABC commented on your picture”. You then hope like hell they would see “their picture”. Another method is to give them an attractive and catchy title. For instance, an Income Tax hoarding had an attractive skimpily dressed female with the huge sign that said SEX. As you walked closer, the hoarding said, “Now that we got your attention, we’d like to tell you that the last date for filing Income Tax Return is 30th July”.
Even at that, to get people to see your 349 pictures of your pet dog or 127 of your granddaughter’s mundan ceremony is as difficult as say getting people to see a play titled Swadeshi. There is also this big danger that if people see yours, then they consider you are obliged to see the 292 pictures of their outing to Borivali National Park, which has failed to get your attention since you have been there any number of times anyway.
What about writing? Well, the scene is no different; it is even worse. At one time, to be published was Herculean task. You wrote and wrote and wrote and sent your stuff to newspapers and magazines. They didn’t even respond. Once in a blue-moon, if your letter to the editor got published, it was a much curtailed and edited version of what you wrote.
Nowadays, there are any number of places where you instantly post the fruits of your fertile mind. Indeed, many people do so mindlessly. I have come across people who have written more poems in a year’s time than Wordsworth would have written in his lifetime. I have also come across a blogger who regularly writes two to three articles in a day. Then there are others, who write a paragraph of three to four sentences and call it an article or blog post.
Surprisingly, the more laconic your post or article is, the more people like it and comment on it. It is, they observe, easier to read. Also, mediocrity and even nonsense sell much better than any erudite or intelligent stuff. A few months back, I started a Facebook Group called Main Shayar To Nahin. Initially, there was great enthusiasm to share shair-o-shairi (the cheaper the better and more popular) and we were adding members by dozens. A few examples:
“Bahut dard hota hai jab tum yaad aate ho,
Dard hone se phir tumhaari yaad aati hai”.
“Tanhaayi mein tumhaari yaad aati hai,
Kyaa kahun behisaab aati hai
Kuch tere aane se pehle, sanam
Kuchh tere jaane ke baad aati hai!”
“Dard ki hadd paar ho gayi tere intezzar mein,
Kyaa yehi silaa mila mujhe tere pyaar mein?”
I googled the first one and found nearly a Lakh members of that group in which such cheap poetry is shared. Each such shair has hundreds of likes and comments. And, in contrast, the moment I asked in our group to share good quality poetry of Ghalib, Faiz, Shakeel, Firaq, Daag etc, first of all very few people took the trouble to do it and secondly there were hardly any people interested in them, to like or to comment.
Social media like Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp have an adverse effect of ADS or Attention Deficit Syndrome. No one is interested in a well-researched, well-written article. It has to be something catchy, meant for the dumbos and presented so slick that people fall for those three or four lines that you write. The idea is to enable them to respond since they are authors and writers in their own right. I have had people commenting on my articles copy pasting something that I would have written many months ago in the hope that I too would be suffering from ADS and would have forgotten that it was I who wrote it.
On the Indiblogger, which is a forum for Indian Bloggers, there is a policy of you scratch my back and I scratch yours. In this policy, people would vote and comment on your posts if you vote and comment on theirs. People have discovered that for this MAD (Mutual Assured Dalliance), they don’t really have to actually read anything at all and even if they read they don’t have to pay attention. This is somewhat similar to a minister having asked his secretary to prepare a 20 minutes speech for him and discovering that the speech actually took an hour. He complained to the secretary. She investigated and found that the speech was only 20 minutes long but the minister had read out the two carbon copies too that she had given him to be on the safe side. If you think it is far-fetched, you would do good to remember that our External Affairs Minister Shri SM Krishna recently read out the wrong speech at the United Nations; that of the Portuguese minister!
On Facebook, there is a button called ‘Like’ (Please also read ‘Like’ on this blog). It has answer to all our problems regarding reading anything at all. No matter how long it would have taken the author to write his stuff, you can press Like in less than a second and be done with. You routinely come across people who Like dozens of posts in less than a minute (Please also read ‘Why Read When You Can Like?’).
Various companies profit from this ADS of people at large. They write voluminous Terms and Conditions for their services. Just at the time when you are about to make payment and gain access, you get a message to tick the box to the effect that you have read, understood and agreed with their terms and conditions. You quickly do so without reading anything at all. In any case, if you were to actually read everything you would probably have to log-in all over again. Forget about the transient Internet. Have you ever read the reverse of your dry – cleaner’s receipt or courier consignment receipt or any other receipt? If you actually read through you’d be surprised that the companies, in their terms and conditions, have washed their hands off everything and the total onus of the correctness of their services is on you. Your Internet service-provider’s Terms and Conditions, for example, have nothing whatsoever in your favour even if their services are disrupted for lengthy durations. It is the same with Credit Card companies. Here, you even sign for ‘Our terms and conditions are subject to change’. I used to get a lot of calls from Credit Card companies promising me one Credit Card or the other. I started asking them to provide me with a signed copy of their Terms and Conditions. All calls stopped.
As far as your writings are concerned, you can master various ploys to make people read your stuff. One of the best employed was by the boss telling the secretary, “Mark this TOP SECRET; I want everyone in the office to read it.” But, beyond the ploys, finally it is consistency that pays off. If you have a small niche audience that reads your stuff, you should be happier than if you have had hundreds of Likes.
In the end also remember what Sahir Ludhianvi penned for a song in the Dev Anand movie Hum Dono. He would have never thought one day Sunbyanyname would relate this to social media where everyone is a photographer or writer but there are no viewers or readers:
“Kaun rota hai kusi aur ki khaatir, ai dil?
Sabako apani hi kisi baat pe rona aaya.”
(Who weeps for the sake of someone, O my heart?
Everyone weeps remembering something of their own.)
It is also worth keeping in mind the harsh reality that despite increased techno-social means available in the present world (that’s how I started this essay), the more people you meet on the net, the more alone you are.
It gives immense happiness to read your own articles or to see your own pictures at some later stage in your life when you look at them as another person.
Seeing the quality and popularity of my blog posts, people frequently ask me to write and publish books. In addition to love for my writing, I know that they mean well by suggesting that I do something about my ever dwindling financial resources. When I left the Navy after nearly 37 years, I didn’t have much and I didn’t even covet much. I also know that they feel that the posts ought to be read by wider audiences.
My biggest concern is that I do not want to get into a rut wherein the quality or even acceptability of something that I am passionate about is to be measured in terms of money earned or readership.
There must be something that we do that is not done with a purpose, intent, end or aim in mind. However, in our current national and community thinking all tasks and engagements must have a specific purpose or reason. We even call into question God’s accountability and use such phrases as: “All the money that I donated to the temple fund appears to have been wasted since our son still couldn’t get admission in medical college” or “Yes, God answered our prayers in getting mataji’s health back. But, out of rupees 10000 that I paid as chadhawa (offering to God), God appears to have given back only about 2000 rupees worth”.
A few years back I started trying my hand at the game of golf. Since I am fond of open spaces (Please also read: ‘Walk Or Gym? I Like It In The Open’), I liked walking on greens, through bunkers and woods chasing a small white ball. However, soon many of my friends started teasing me, “So, you have decided to become an Admiral? This is the sure shot way.”
It must be a world-wide phenomenon; but, it is much pronounced in India. Everything has to lead to something. You can’t have friends unless they can be of some use to you when the chips are down. Indeed, many people actually think of friendship as an investment. Similarly, political people, babus, doctors, lawyers etc have to be nurtured assiduously with the purpose of providing some return when needed.
Children’s education too is seen as an investment. There has to be some return else it is not worth making him or her an engineer or even well read or well educated.
After retirement from the Navy, I started this blog with the idea of giving vent to my creative energies. It was supposed to be a leisurely pursuit. However, then I made the mistake of joining Indiblogger (Please also read ‘Blogging – Race Or Stampede?‘). Soon I was hooked on to monthly ranking: mozRank, Alexa rank, frequency of posting, and external juice passing links and the like and then it became as banal as anything that we do in our life.
The other day, I was reading this light-hearted take on blog writing: ‘It is like various stages of prostitution; first you start doing it for fun, then for your intimate friends, thereafter for wider circle of friends and acquaintances but finally you start doing it for money. My writing is still at the first stage and I am – as they say in McDonald’s ad – I’m lovin’ it.
Yesterday, once again, I was taking a class with the young executives of my company on Leadership and Team Building. In yet another talk, I reminded them about Abraham Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. In the pyramid, at the base, are the Physiological Needs, going up to Safety Needs, Love and Belonging Needs, Esteem Needs and finally Self Actualisation Needs. Privately I was thinking that we Indians are almost perpetually at the bottom of the pyramid, doing things only to satisfy some basic need or the other. There is always a purpose for doing anything.
Is there no time when we would do things because of passion, a fire that burns inside, a quest that needs to be quenched? Is there no time when we would be like the avid mountaineer who was asked why did he have to climb a
mountain and he replied, “Because it is there”?
There is no price that can be placed on a smile; and, if you can smile inwardly, without any apparent reason, it is priceless indeed. A mother does it so often with her child and doesn’t ever count the number of likes and comments her child gets or her ranking in the world because of him.
Your pet does it and you do it for your pet; you read a number of articles about how having a pet is good for you. But, those are after you have got him or her.
Love is not a reasoned emotion and yet, it is the greatest of human emotions.
Some of you will feel that the question is a meaningless one. For example, those of you who had to face the indignity of dealing with one or more Indian lawyers or the extreme misery and frustration of trying to find justice through Indian courts (Please also read ‘The Great Indian Judicial Circus’), will point out that no questions need to be asked; Indian lawyers are gods and devils rolled into one and have every right to behave like gods.
Then there are others who would tell you that the sobriquet “gods” is reserved for Indian cricketers, politicians and religious leaders and that lawyers, even if they are gods, are very much lower down the order.
In the recent Kangana Ranaut film ‘Tanu Weds Manu Returns’, there is this character called Arun “Chintu” Kumar Singh played by Mohammed Zeeshan Ayyub who is a law student and about to become an advocate. Armed with the knowledge of law that can make others lives miserable, he is an illegal lodger with Tanu (Kangana Ranaut’s) parents in Kanpur. He refuses to either pay rent or leave with the street-smartness that he has acquired from his study of the Indian law.
Is that the true face of the Indian lawyer? Actually it is much worse. It is almost like the dacoit Gabbar Singh in the 1975 movie Sholay with his now famous dialogue: “Gabbar Singh se tumhen ek hi aadmi bacha sakta hai; woh hai khud Gabbar Singh” (Only one person can save you from Gabbar Singh; that is Gabbar Singh himself). Our advocate of 14 years, who made my widowed mother run from pillar to post, dropped our case altogether (by pleading “no instructions” in the court and hence warrants of arrest were issued for me!) only because I inquired from him about the progress of the cases. As per the Bar Council of India Rules, I filed a complaint against him for Professional Misconduct. I was called all the way from Mumbai to Shimla for a hearing by the H.P. Bar Council only to inform me that the case had been decided against me in my absence! The Chairman of the Disciplinary Committee of the Bar Council chided me for having spent Rupees 20000 for coming to Shimla whereas for half that much money I could have commissioned a lawyer to handle my complaint!
It is almost universal in India that litigants have waited for decades for their cases to be resolved. How is it that in court after court in India, no one realises that no one, other than them are interested in solving the cases. The employment of lawyers, judges and the courts staff is actually dependent upon delaying the cases. There is nil incentive for any of them to expeditiously solve the cases.
The fact is that in the Indian judicial system, the judges are not accountable for their acts of commission or omission. An act of commission or omission by them can cause you untold misery and/or delay. The only remedy available is to appeal in the next higher court. This means that now you will have to face more such judges and more such lawyers! And hence, you would realise why Gabbar Singh analogy is so apt.
Because the judges are not accountable, the lawyers assume such unaccountability themselves. They brushes his hands off everything you suffer by saying that the “system is bad; what can we do?”
To top it, in case you are a fauji (armed forces personnel) or ex fauji, everyone chides you for not being well versed with the intricacies of the civil society and the “system“. None of them take notice of the irrefutable fact that whilst we have some of the best armed forces in the world, we have one of the worst judicial and legal system in the world. They are still arrogant about their superiority (translated it means the ability to keep you at their mercy).
As citizens of the country we often fall prey to joining media orchestrated and politically motivated agitations about corruption at higher places. There is never a public outcry about everyday corruption and efficiency that affect us; eg, the ones we are subjected to by lawyers, judges, policemen, railway conductors, hospital and electricity officials and the like. Life loses its dignity altogether but we keep quiet.
A French man in IC 814, the infamous flight that got hijacked to Kandhar on 24th Dec 1999, observed that Indians in the flight appeared to have lot of patience to go through more than 60 hours of abject misery. That’s a reflection on us. We are like that only (Read ‘We Are Like That Only’). We are quite alright with the corrupt and most inefficient system. An odd person like me who voices concern is straightway dubbed as “out of reality” because he is a “bloody fauji” who hasn’t seen life since he has lived in a sequestered environment.
It is not just in Tanu Weds Manu Returns that you hear of unlawful occupation of your flat. The illegal occupant is emboldened by his lawyer friends to even renovate it with marble flooring and modular kitchen. Now, your advocate advises you to file a case. Those with adequate experience or inkling of Indian law and justice system know that it would take no less than 20 yrs to get our property back. Hence, they secure back possession through “other means“. The ball is now in the court of the other party. Let them go to the court against you as aggrieved party. Let them face the music.
More and more people are now convinced that sorting out “by other means” or with “whatever resources” is the only workable solution. There is just one major problem in that. For example, today’s newspaper talks about ‘Privatisation of Railways’. We have already finished with government-run airlines (almost), govt run schools, colleges, hospitals, roads, shipping etc. In the end, if an ordinary citizen is reduced to sorting out things of law and justice too “by other means“, we must reflect on it as to what do we require the government for?
My dad’s elder brother, HS Dilgir, was an intellectual, a respected professor of journalism in Punjab University, and had the first Academy of Performing Arts in Chandigarh called Kala Darpan. He had told me several decades back that in India, the only way to sort out the mess that we have landed up in, is not the evolutionary route but that of revolution. During his lifetime itself he saw this happen when one-third of the about 600 districts in India landed up in having bloody revolution in the form of ‘Left Wing Extremism’. We had the former Prime Minister Mr Manmohan Singh admitting that LWE is not a law and order problem but that of poor governance. In most of these districts now the writ of the government doesn’t run at all. People dissatisfied with the miserable way of governance, law and justice, poverty eradication etc, have taken the law in their own hands.
And still, our people, netas, lawyers, judges, haven’t woken up to the reality of the future. We still feel that people would continue being ruled over, hoodwinked, ill-treated, made to live undignified existence and continue paying them for their ills.
I feel that it is just around the corner when the lack of law and justice, corrupt police, lawyers and judges force people in the remaining 2/3rd districts too to sort out things “by other means“. Yes, at present the lawyers and advocates get away by behaving like gods; however, people’s tolerance with their ways is already running thin.
In short, time has come when we either implement long pending Police and Judicial Reforms, or allow people to sort out things by “whatever resources“.
Every person has a desire to be seen as virtuous. I am sure if you talk to the lawyers, they too paint themselves as “victims of circumstances” and “victims of a corrupt system“. However, I remember what the then Editor-in-Chief of Indian Express Arun Shourie wrote once: “The only way for evil to last is for good-men to do nothing about it.”
We, therefore, need to fight these systems both individually and collectively. We owe it to our children and grandchildren.
I have come across lawyers (and they are more a rule than exception) who have such large egos that they would totally drop your case in case you ask them anything or comment upon lack of justice. They like being part of the corrupt and inefficient system rather than being on your side (the correct and the right side). A friend shared with me that his own lawyer had the temerity to file an FIR against him when questioned about the slow and meaningless progress of the case. My own advocate fell short of filing FIR against me.
They are a band of brothers. In case a lawyer drops your case, no other lawyer would take up your case/cause.
If you report the conduct of the lawyer to the Bar Council, you multiply your miseries many times because those who sit in judgement over your case are lawyers themselves!
In my state Himachal (where I was born and brought up), there is another despicable thing going on (it must be going on in other states too). It is that the lawyers and judges are perceived to favour what they think are indigenous Himachalis as opposed to “outsiders“. Because we are Punjabi speaking and have names that end in ‘Singh’ and ‘Kaur’, people routinely ask us as to what made us migrate to Himachal from Punjab. They are stunned when I tell them that I was born and brought up entirely in this state. They are even more stunned when I remind them that each one of our states is supposed to be multilingual, multi-religious, and multi-caste. You should see their incredulous expressions! Needless to say, your advocate exploits this to his advantage fully by putting you at defensive.
Who profits from such parochial, corrupt and inefficient system? Think. As a parallel, who do you think gains from the perpetual traffic jams in (say) Mumbai caused by perpetual religious festivities on the roads that result in exorbitant fuel costs. The petrol pumps are also owned by the politicians and their cronies; and hence your guess is as good as mine. They always win.
The correct analogy of trying to approach Indian courts for justice is that of rape victims. A politician in Goa proclaimed that women deserve to be raped if they dress so provocatively. Similarly, we deserve to be ‘raped’ by the judicial system if we are so foolish as to take matters to court. The fault eventually lies with ‘We, the People of India’.
It is like after a traffic accident, one or both parties approaching the police. The police lightens the burden of the pockets of both the parties and “settles” the case!
Indian lawyers behave like gods because we allow them to. We let go our powers to demand service and accountability. The more people demand these, the more the lawyer shall diminish in size from being a god to a pygmy.
India is a nation of debates, discussions and controversies. Our news channels generate enough in a week to last us a few lifetimes. If you listen to a news hour debate anchored by Arnab Goswami, for example, you would conclude that he, by himself, can account for a major part of global-warming.
Religious controversies, however, are not just an Indian phenomenon; all over the world, religious fervour and fanaticism can result into tempers running high, killings and violence in the name of God and Religion. The more anyone would want to liberate the world from ritualistic adherence to religion, the more anyone would desire a world free from fundamentalist hydra-heads, the more these mushroom everywhere. Historically, when Mankind drifted away from God and Godliness, many right-minded saints, gurus and incarnations of God Himself descended on earth to show the right path to the people. However, it appears that the Devil is perhaps as strong and more wily than God that people easily become the followers of the former and require reminders, again and again, to align themselves with God.
The above were my first reactions on seeing the premiere of Harinder Sikka’s Nanak Shah Fakir on 16th April 2015 in PVR, Juhu, Mumbai; and the ban on the movie in Punjab engineered by SGPC (Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak Committee) and a few other organisations ostensibly representing the best interests of Sikhs. Whilst discussing the ills of Kalyug over Satyug, Guru Nanak brought out that there is a great positive in Kakyug; which is that whilst in Satyug you required someone to pray for you, in Kalyug you are one to one with God. Nothing stands between you and God.
SGPC and other organisations haven’t seen the writing on the wall if they feel that they are intermediaries between us and God. They are as much out of sync as various Hindu organisations including militant ones who tell you what is acceptable to Hindus. They don’t keep you intact because of common culture and love but because of threat of violence in case you don’t listen to them. Incidentally, Guru Nanak and the movie shunned violence but the modern protectors of our religion think nothing of keeping their flock together through threat of violence.
And, as I write this, Harinder Sikka after receiving directions from Akal Takht Jathedar Giani Gurbachan Singh has decided to withdraw the movie for the time being even though he had earlier decided to go ahead with the release of the movie on 17th April with the above poster despite opposition from SGPC, DSGMC and Akal Takht mainly because portrayal of Sikh Gurus on the celluloid is not permitted. The movie has also been banned in UK bowing to the sentiments of the Sikh community.
I feel that Harinder Sikka and his team (Cast of Arif Zakaria (playing Mardana), Puneet Sikka (Harry’s daughter playing Guru Nanak’s elder sister Nanaki, Shraddha Kaul, Anurag Arora, Adil Hussain (playing landlord Rai Bular), Narendra Jha and Tom Alter; Music of Uttam Singh; Sound of Rosul Pookutty; and Cinematographer AK Bir) deserve to be congratulated for an outstanding movie on several counts.
Firstly, the idea behind the movie and its focus. I am convinced that Harry Sikka must have been chosen by God to take up such a project. Sri Guru Granth Sahib has a mention of such blessings showered by God on the chosen ones. The focus throughout the movie is on Guru Nanak and his teachings. There is no other side story; there is no attempt at direct teaching by the chronicler of the movie Mardana, for example or by the movie makers.
Secondly, I like the anecdotes that have been selected from the life of Guru Nanak. These have been selected with an eye on their current relevance. Once again, rather than forcefully and imposingly preaching, these have been as gently brought out as we imagine Guru Nanak to be. There are, for example:
Guru Nanak as a young boy refusing to wear the holy thread Janeyu that every Hindu male is required to wear by religion. This was Guru Nanak’s first opposition to ritualistic adherence to religion rather than binding oneself with God.
Nanak selecting a friend and consort who was always booed as Marjana (Cursed to die) and calling him Mardana. Mardana, the rebab player, a Muslim, accompanies Guru Nanak wherever he goes and gives musical accompaniment to his raagas.
Nanak being sent by his father Mehta Kalu (Full name Kalyan Chand Das Bedi) with 20 rupees “to do business”. Nanak buys food with the money and distributes amongst saints and poor. When questioned by his father, he responds that he has done Sachcha Sauda or “True Business”. It would be sometime before his father would understand. The movie indeed brings out how Rai Bular, the local landlord and Nanak’s elder sister Bebe Nanaki were the first to have recognise divine qualities in him even when he was a boy.
Nanak selling baajra at Sultanpur Mandi and whilst emptying the bowls in buyers’ bags, getting stuck at the count of terah (13), since terah also means ‘yours’ (in this case God’s). A complaint is made against him to Daulat Khan Lodhi, employer of Nanaki’s husband, through whom the job was given to Nanak. But, when the gunny-bags of grains are counted, there is no discrepancy!
Nanak’s wedding with Sulakhani and the mature understanding relationship that he had with her. At the end of the movie, Guru Nanak, back from an Udaasi (travel) to spread the word of God, is seen leaning on the shoulders of their two sons, Sri Chand and Lakshmi Chand and telling them the simple essence of his teachings:
Vand Chhako: Share with others in need. Kirat karo: Earn or make a living honestly without fraud or exploitation. Naam Japna: Meditate on God’s name.
Nanak was thirty years old, in the year 1499 when he went to meditate and bathe beside the river Kali Bein (Black River), accompanied by Mardana. Mardana later discovered Nanak’s clothes on the bank but Nanak was missing. A search was mounted for him including divers sent by Daulat Khan but there was no success. Everyone, except Babe Nanaki, assumed that he had drowned. Three days later, Nanak emerged from the river alive. He had achieved Enlightenment and the locals started calling him Guru. The very first words that he uttered after his Enlightenment were: “Na koi Hindu; na koi Mussalman” (There is no Hindu; there is no Muslim). This led to his prime teaching: Ek Omkar, there is One God.
Soon after his Enlightenment, Guru Nanak, accompanied by Mardana, went on his first Udasi (travel) to Bengal, Assam and Manipur (Between the year 1500 to 1524, Guru Nanak undertook five Udaasis, covering a distance of more than 28000 kms, in all four directions, as far as Tibet, Ceylon, Kashmir, Baghdad, Mecca and Medina.
The movie brings out some remarkable anecdotes during the Udaasis. The incident of his having accepted the invitation of a low-caste artisan, Bhai Lallo and rejected that of the rich landlord Malik Bhago was well covered. When Malik Bhago was enraged, Guru Nanak asked for the two meals: one from Lallo’s house and one from Bhago’s. He produced milk from the former and blood from the latter. Thus, in his simple but clear way of teaching, he brought home the difference between honest work and exploitation in order to obtain riches.
The second anecdote very well covered was at Hasan Abdal, near Rawalpindi. Guru Nanak, Bhai Mardana and a congregation gathered at the foot if the hill, atop which a Muslim priest Bawa Wali Qandhari had established his dera next to the only source of water there. Since Guru Nanak’s congregation was thirsty, Guru Nanak sent Bhai Mardana to request Wali Qandhari to release water for them. The latter angrily turned down the plea. Mardana was asked by Guru Nanak to go up again and request for water. Reluctantly he did and Wali Qandhari derisively asked Mardana to tell Guru Nanak to directly appeal to his God for water. Guru Nanak then lifted a stone over sand, dug with his hands and produced water. Meanwhile Wali Qandhari’s pond began to dry. Enraged he launched a huge rock down the hill in order to crush Guru Nanak and his followers. When the hurling rock came charging towards Guru Nanak, he merely touched it with his hand and the rock stopped. Wali Qandhari witnessed this and suddenly realised that Guru Nanak was a messenger of God and he then fell at Guru’s feet. We all know that the spot of this miracle is marked by Gurudwara Panja Sahib.
My favourite incident of Guru Nanak’s Udaasis, accompanied by my favourite hymn, has been depicted so well in the movie that it left me stunned. The incident at Jagannath Puri, just before the annual rath yatra has Guru Nanak being invited for the Aarti at the temple.
The Guru visited the temple not to offer Aarti to Lord Krishna but to teach the people that the worship of God is superior to the worship of the deity. It was the evening time and the priests brought a salver full of many lighted lamps, flowers, incense and pearls and then all stood to offer the salver to their enshrined idol-god. The ceremony was called ‘Aarti’, a song of dedication. The high-priest invited the Guru to join in the god’s worship. The Guru did not join their service which enraged the priests. On being asked the reason the Guru explained that a wonderful serenade was being sung by nature before the invisible altar of God. The sun and the moon were the lamps, placed in the salver of the firmament and the fragrance wafted from the Malayan mountains was serving as incense. The Guru, therefore, instead of accepting the invitation of the high-priest to adore the idol, raised his eyes to the heaven and uttered the following Shabad as Aarti (Punjabi: Kaisi aarti hoy…)
“The sun and moon, O Lord, are thy lamps; the firmament
Thy salver; the orbs of the stars, the pearls enchased in it.
The perfume of the sandal is Thine incense; the wind is
Thy fan; all the forests are Thy flowers, O Lord of light.
What worship is this, O Waheguru (God)?
This hymn and the scene in the movie at the sea-shore are a powerful message against ritualistic observance of religion, meaningless and fruitless practices and institutions. Instead, one should directly be with God as a supplicant.
If I have to sum up the movie in one word, I would call it outstanding. And yet, the movie has controversies about it. The media talks about “objectionable scenes in the movie” but no one has specifically brought out as to what is objectionable. So, we are left to wonder whether the so-called guardians of religion have their egos hurt that such a fine movie has been made not because of them, but, in spite of them. Guru Nanak cautioned us all against giving in to haume (I am); five centuries later, is it that the guardians of religion themselves are ruled by haume?
Secondly, doesn’t Guru Nanak belong to all of us surpassing the boundaries of religion? In which case, does our personal observance of his teachings have to be coloured by some intermediaries?
Whilst on this issue, and it is a very touchy issue, the very first utterance of Guru Nanak, after Enlightenment is that there is no Hindu and there is no Mussalman. Five centuries later, we are propagating that even Hindus and Sikhs are different! If that is indeed the case then who exactly is going to reform the religious practices of Hindus and Muslims that Guru Nanak had set out to do? Why is it that idol worshipping is as prevalent today as it was many centuries back? Why are even elections in our so-called democratic society fought on basis of castes that Guru Nanak sought to eradicate? I have visited many gurdwaras and the ritualistic practice of sukh-aasan of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib (Resting of SGGS for the night) would compete with the ritualistic aarti of Jagannath Puri that Guru Nanak was opposed to. If Guru Nanak was to be born again, he would surely tell that when his tenth successor Gobind Singh ordained, “Guru Granth ko maaniyo, pargat Guran ki deh” (“Consider the Granth as your Guru now onwards; wherever the Granth is present, the Guru is bodily present”), he meant the observance of the teachings contained in SGGS and not ritualistically following it as the flesh and body of the Gurus. Guru Nanak wrote about one fifth of the Shlokas in the SGGS and many of these bring out how to be a true Muslim or Hindu sans the rituals. Even in the movie, when Daulat Khan asks him to do the Namaaz with them, he joins. But, when he is told that although he sat with them, he hardly said the Namaaz; Guru Nanak brought out that even they didn’t do so since whilst their lips moved, their minds were elsewhere! Why do we forget all his teachings and observe religion in rituals only?
The other day someone asked me as to why the Sikhs (the word Sikh, to me, has much greater meaning than the narrow confines of religion that were, in any case, opposed by Guru Nanak himself. The word means “the taught” or learned or one who has gained consciousness through his true intellectual growth) have prospered and survived many centuries after the Gurus? My instant response was that the Sikh gurus lived with their people through adversity and kept the flock together through personal sacrifices and examples. A Sikh, therefore, finds his way out of any adversity, trials and tribulations. His faith in oneness of God makes him so brave that he can battle against totally hopeless situations and emerge a winner (the Battle of Saragarhi, for example, on 12 Sep 1897, had 21 Sikhs of 4th Battalion of Sikh Regiment under the British fighting against 10000 Afghans; read ‘Battle of Saragarhi‘ on Wikipedia recorded by the UN as the bravest battle in the world ). Who were the leaders after our Gurus who were fired by the same spirit of sacrifice and selflessness? The factionalism both in our religion and politics, in the current world, is to be seen to be believed. Most of it is based on haume.
One of the arguments against the movie, surprisingly, is that “sentiments of the Sikhs have been hurt”. I have brought out in a series of articles (For example, read: ‘Who Are The “People” Whose “Sentiments Need To Be Respected”‘ and ‘Whose God Is It Anyway?’) that people or mobs do not always have the best sense. If they did in history, for example, we didn’t require the likes of Guru Nanak to bring them to the right path. Lets not follow the edict blindly that Sikh Gurus cannot be depicted on-screen. First of all, as the makers have clarified no human being is represented as the Guru; he being depicted only through a computer graphic. Secondly, if hundreds and thousands of pictures and write-ups are available on the net, in the books, movies, and on the television, why only in the movie that these are not permitted? And, most importantly, the movie makers have taken no license to distort history; the events have been, to the best of my knowledge, brought out as historically recorded.
Guru Nanak was one voice against the social ills of his times. He was eminently successful but now we are back to square one. Now is the time when a movie such as Nanak Shah Fakir should be most welcome and seen by all classes and conditions of men and women everywhere. The region of Punjab that Guru Nanak was born in and lived in has the menace of drug-addiction amongst the youth. His teachings would be most relevant to such misguided elements. Religious fundamentalism has shown its ugly ahead in the world again and there is violence and killings in various parts of the world; just as it was Babar’s forces that unleashed unheard of violence in India that was depicted at the end of the movie. We need the teachings of Guru Nanak all over again. Greater part of India is once again in the grip of idol worshipping, corruption, intolerance and the like. We need a messenger of God like Guru Nanak to do away with the dhund (mist) of ignorance and bless the people with chaanan (Light).
So, rather than banning, opposing or protesting against Harry Sikka’s movie, we should ensure that as many people as possible should see it and profit from Guru Nanak’s messages of one God and oneness with God, no haume, no religious and caste divides, Vand Chhako, Kirat Karo and Naam Japna. As the makers of the movie have proclaimed, all proceeds from the sale of tickets would be used to further the teachings of Guru Nanak.